THE PTI is always in fight mode. And this is not just because of its head-on collision with the establishment or the non-stop jostling with other political parties but because of internal tu tu main main. The second tier is fighting each other, over strategy, allegations of corruption, being compromised and more. It`s a house divided and the reason for its inability to make headway with the powers that be.

However, for those who remember the good ol` days when the party was in a better place, the PTI has rarely ever been without this selfinflicted wound, providing much entertainment to those watching. And now with the establishment at its heels and Khan incommunicado with many, the infighting is as intense as it can get think the climax of an action film. And about as entertaining as a Bollywood horror film (of the Ramsay brothers fame, for those who are old enough to remember those gems).

In recent times, the spectacle has become bigger and better, especially thanks to the ouster of Sher Afzal Marwat, who has turned his earlier one-man stand-up routine into an `explosive` series of interviews.

Of course, in the current environment, no one can really say the interviews are really not all that headline-making because headlines no longer have anything to do with newsworthiness.

So everyone ooohs and aahs on cue for this is how we roll now. In other words, the explosive interviews will continue, shedding much light on a divided house.

Indeed, more than Marwat, what is a better indication of PTI`s internal strife is the social media criticism of the second-tier leadership.

The intensity of this is directly linked to the ongoing PTI-establishment confrontation though even here, it needs to be remembered that PTI is and will remain a party of one, which attracts the support of many.

However, the post-May 9 crackdown has addedto this trend when a more established second tier was more or less wiped out in a series of press conferences and tweets. New ones came in and filled the space though they remain as permanent and as relevant as those they replaced.

From Jahangir Khan Tareen to those who departed af ter May 9 to the present leaders, they will all come and go without having much impact on the popularity of the party.

In other words, May 9 has simply strengthened Khan`s grip on the public imagination rather than the PT I`s; a second tier which once appeared to be making space for themselves such as Asad Umar, Fawad Chaudhry or even Hammad Azhar are about as relevant as the lawyers who now appear on television screens. The glory is simply second-hand.

But this is not to say the impact is negligible in other ways. It does weaken the capacity of the PTI (and others before it) to evolve into an organisation less dependent on personalities and f amilies. And it also weakens the party`s ability to nurture experienced politicians who have also taken part in the governance process. This is true of the PTI and also of the PPP and the PMLN. The bouts between political parties and the establishment take a toll on the country far more than they do on the political parties.

But the infighting has other layers to it. There is the provincial layer, which perhaps existed earlier too but has gotten worse now that Imran Khan is behind bars. Here, Ali Amin Gandapur is at odds with the PTI wallahs from Peshawar valley, which once dominated politics in this province, regardless of the parties. Be it the ANP, PPP or PTI, the valley was where the leadership came from. But now with a chief minister from the south of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and IK behind bars, those from Peshawar and nearby areas have been lef t out, in more ways than one.

For an insecure chief minister is anxious to keep them away from him and Khan. His discomfortalso extends to Junaid Akbar from Swat, who seems to be closer to this lot.

These regional faultlines are also overlaid with political ones; those who see themselves as inside the tent and want to initiate talks in the hope of being able to end the confrontation are at odds with others who want to fight on. The chief minister falls comfortably within this mufahimati group which is unhappy with those who think that muzahimat is the way to go. To some extent, he is even said to be behind the `arbitrary` decisions of who gets to meet Imran Khan and who doesn`t.

This is why, for instance, Junaid Akbar and Taimur Saleem Jhagra have not been able to meet the PTI head honcho despite multiple efforts, while Barrister Saif who was once embraced by the Karachi-based MQM and is now comfortably ensconced in KP is giving statement af ter statement which is condemned by the party wallahs but never the chief minister.

Perhaps one day, somebody in the party will draw a parallel with Mohsin Naqvi and wring their hands in despair. In Pakistan`s politics, remorse is always an af terthought.

However, in all of this, the PTI appears to be treading a well-travelled path, which was earlier crossed by the PML-N and the PPP. And this should worry the PTI chief minister, among others. Those who are high up in the party hierarchy, when out of power, sometimes end up being dumped when the weather changes. Amin Fahim, who nearly became prime minister, was among the first to be out of favour when the PPP returned to power in 2008 and Javed Hashmi, who headed the party during the Musharraf years, was so unhappy once the Sharifs returned that he jumped ship and joined the PTI. Politics inPakistanisadifhcultbeasttoride andnotjust for the big players. • The writer is a joumalist.