TERRORISM is not a mere security issue. It disrupts society in ways that go beyond the body count, particularly in its physiological, social and economic aspects. Maintaining, and in some cases restoring, the confidence of people in a terrorismhit state is an uphill task, but efforts are made to sustain the same often through responses on the security front.

Usually, the state ignores or pays less attention to the associated challenges that accompany violence. Economic assistance for the victims emerges as an immediate challenge as does development in the affected areas.

In Pakistan`s context, the issue of IDPs is also a critical one. Rehabilitation of victims of terrorism, IDPs and terrorist detainees help keep up the public`s confidence in the state. Quite obviously, ad hoc reaction to challen-ges cannotgarner that and an institutional response is needed.

It is crucial to develop a comprehensive institutional response, especially since terrorism and conflict in Pakistan seem setto continue in the near future. That has more than a bit to do with the fact that the state has not evolved a strategy to deal with conflict, including the ethnopolitical and sectarian violence, a nationalist insurgency in Balochistan and, most importantly, the networks and structures of terrorists that remain intact, despite extensive military campaigns in the tribal areas.

For victims of conflict, the immediate crisis that emerges after a terrorist attack is critical. The government usually does not prioritise a response to that as highly as it does the security response. A little more attention to these issues can make a huge difference, not only in building faith in state institutions, but also in contributing towards saving the population from terrorists` influence and propaganda.

Compensation or assistance for civilian victims of terrorist attacks is a critical issue across the country, which deserves the attention of the state. It has assumed greater importance in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Fata because of the impact of the conflict there. Lack of reliable data and long delays and complexities in the processto access assistance have emerged as key obstacles.

The Campaign for Innocent Victims in Conflict (CIVIC) and the Institute of Social and Policy Science (I-SAPS) have done some excellent work on the issue and both have been working on increasing awareness and sensitising in that respect.

I-SAPS, in a recent report titled, Compensating Civilian Victims of Conflict and Terrorism, noted that even federal and provincial governments did not have any budgetlinesfor that purpose. After every act of terrorism, officials announce financial assistance for the victims, but every case of compensation has to be sent to the chief minister for approval.

Apart from lack of a uniform procedure, political influence also plays a significant role from determination of the compensation amount to its disbursement. In Fata, another issue that has emerged in recent years is the government distributing compensationmoney for victims of terrorism mainly to lashkars or peace committees for further disbursement, which has given rise to complaints of embezzlement.

In recent years, the scale of internal displacement induced by conflicts and natural disasters has grown exponentially. The largest IDP population is from Fata and Swat in the Malakand region of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The state`s response to internal displacement in Swat was comparatively quick and effective but in Fata it was considered slow and inadequate. The rehabilitation of IDPs and the rapid completion of development initiatives in the displacement-affected areas in Fata and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa are crucial. The education sector, which was most affected in the conflict, needs immediate attention in particular.

According to data compiled by Pak Institute for Peace Studies, terrorists destroyed 137 schools across Pakistan in 2011 alone, while 49 incidents of targeting public or private property were reported. These figures do not include the attacks on railway tracks, gas pipelines or power pylons. Twenty-six mosques, shrines and other worshipTHE announcement that Lt-Gen Zahir ul Islam is to replace the retiring Lt-Gen Shuja Pasha as ISI chief is a moment to reflect on the future direction of the country`s most famous some may argue infamous intelligence agency. Trying to predict the vision and agenda of an ISI chief based on his service record and a few nuggets of information is a fool`s errand and akin to reading tea leaves. But Gen Islam will have several important choices before him when he takes up his new assignment later this month. He could continue the process of disengaging the ISI from a direct and influential role in the political process that, oddly enough, was begun under Gen Pasha.

For when the history of Gen Pasha`s service is written, it will likely be acknowledged that his was a tenure of two halves.

During his original term in office, Gen Pasha avoided overt meddling in the political process but after his extension was granted, and in particular the last few months of his service which have been embroiled in the `memogate` controversy, the ISI has been perceived to have once again upped its involvement in politics. The allegations surrounding the creation of the Difaa-iPakistan Council and sponsorship of the Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaaf have been particularly damaging.

So Gen Islam will quickly have to decide if hewants to return to the original, hands-off approach of Gen Pasha or continue with the more intrusive political role that has characterised his last leg in office. The preferred option, at least from the standpoint of what the ISPs core competence is and what the constitutional democratic order demands, is of course obvious: the ISI should wrap up its political activities and focus on the fight against militancy. With the so-called Afghan endgame likely to be played out on Gen Islam`s watch, with militancy inside Pakistan morphing and still posing a formidable threat, and with Pakistan`s cooperation with the outside world on curbing Islamist militancy likely to continue to be under serious scrutiny, Gen Islam and the agency he will lead have more than enough to contend with without adding domestic political machinations to the mix.

With the appointment of Gen Islam, perhaps the recent practice of giving extensions in service to certain officers should also come to an end. Extensions are a controversial matter outside the armed services as well as inside, as the outgoing air force chief`s comments indicated. A professional institution with highly qualified and competent officers such as the Pakistan armed forces has no need for indispensables. When it`s time to go, it`s time to go.