AKISTAN`S cybercrime-fighting apparatus is proving rather good at harassing journalists and remarkably poor at catching actual criminals. With a conviction rate hovering below 5pc, the digital enforcers have mastered the art of making noise while achieving little. The numbers tell a sorry tale. Of the 7,020 people arrested on cybercrime charges since 2020, only 222 have been convicted. Meanwhile, the authorities have shown more enthusiasm for deploying the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act against `troublesome` journalists and activists. The law has become less a shield against cybercrime and more a sword against dissent. The government`s approach to institutional architecture has been equally hapless. In May 2024, it established the National Cyber Crimes Investigation Agency with great fanfare. Seven months later, the agency had been shuttered, its responsibilities shuffled back to the FIA`s cybercrime wing. Such institutional musical chairs hardly inspires confidence. Rather, it wastes resources on administrative restructuring and leaves cybercrime investigators perpetually readjusting to new reporting hierarchies.

The statistics are particularly damning given Pakistan`s digital footprint. With 143m internet subscribers, one might expect more than 160,000 annual cybercrime complaints. The FIA`s own spokesperson admits the number should exceed 200,000. The gap suggests not a dearth of crime but a lack of faith in the system.

Recent `reforms` appear more cosmetic than substantive. Police stations can now register cybercrime cases, and some even boast dedicated cyber desks. But without proper training, resources, or technical expertise, these amount to little more than digital suggestion boxes. The real work of fighting cybercrime investigating banking fraud, thwarting ransomware attacks, and prosecuting data breaches demands sophisticated digital forensics, trained prosecutors, and clear jurisdictional protocols. Pakistan has none of these in adequate measure. The government`s priorities appear particularly misplaced given the sophistication of modern cybercrime. While the authorities busy themselves with social media posts, organised criminal groups are making hay. The conviction statistics suggest they are doing so with relative impunity. If Pakistan wishes to be taken seriously as a digital economy, it must first demonstrate it can police its digital streets. That means less emphasis on controlling online discourse and more on protecting citizens from genuine cyberthreats. At present, it is doing neither particularly well.